Political Family

Chapter 1 Introduction to the Study Chapter 1 covers five parts: (1) Background and Theoretical Framework of the Study, (2) Statement of the Problem, (3) Significance of the Study, (4) Definition of Terms, and (5) Delimitation of the Study Part 1, Background and Theoretical Framework of the Study, presents the rationale for the choice of the problem. Part 2, Statement of the Problem, describes the major and specific questions that this study will seek to answer. Part 3, Significance of the Study, cites the benefits that could be derived from the findings of the study.Part 4, Definition of Terms, presents the conceptual and operational definitions of the key terms that will be used in the study. Part 5, Delimitation of the Study, specifies the scope of the study with regards to the variables, the participants, and the instruments that will be used to gather data. Background and Theoretical Framework of the Study â€Å"The family is the strongest unit of society, demanding the deepest loyalties of the individual and coloring all social activity with its own set of demands. † Jean Grossholtz (1964, 86-87) In the Third World, the elite family has long been a leading actor in the unfolding of the national pageant.More, specifically in the Philippines, elite families can be seen as both object and subject of history, shaping and being shaped by the processes of change. These families have provided a strong element of continuity to the country’s economic and political history over the century past (McCoy 1994, 1). In 1950s Robert Fox (1959, 6) described the Philippines as â€Å"an anarchy of families,† in which the Philippine political parties usually have acted as coalitions of powerful families. The rise of powerful political families was attributed to the Republic’s emergence as a weak, postcolonial state (McCoy 1994, 10-11).According to McCoy (1994, 13), after Spain and United States colonial rule, the Republic thus developed as a state with both substantial economic resources and weak bureaucratic capacity. It is this paradoxical pairing of wealth and weakness that opened the state to predatory rent seeking by politicians. Based on Migdal’s research (1988, 9) on Third World politics, he finds that the source of the state’s weakness—the social organizations such as â€Å"families, clans†¦tribes, patron-client dyads† continue to act as competing sources of authority.Despite the apparent influence and significant factor of the family upon wider society and its politics, most historians, both Filipino and foreign, have ignored this problem. According to Schneider (1969, 109-110), instead of studying and analyzing the Philippine political history through the paradigm of elite families, they have generally treated Philippine past and politics solely through as an interaction of state, private institutions, and popular movements.Even social scientists, despite an obligatory bow in the di rection of the family, have generally failed to incorporate substantive analysis of its dynamics into rendering of the country’s social and political processes. Social science as often happens in the study of the Philippines thus diverges from social reality, according to Alfred W. McCoy (1994, 1). At present, there is still a lacking scholarly analysis of either individual Filipino families or family-based oligarchies.While other Southeast Asian societies have produced some useful biographies and autobiographies, the Southeast Asian regions still have little nondynastic family history that can serve as a model for future Philippine research (McCoy 1994, 2). One of the provinces in the Philippines that have no study about family-based politics is Aklan. The Province of Aklan is located in the Northeast portion of Panay Island. It was the oldest province in the Philippines organized in 1213 by settlers from Borneo as the â€Å"Minuro it Akean. In 1565 Miguel Lopez de Legaspi landed in Aklan, and divided the â€Å"Minuro it Akean† five encomiendas which he distributed among his farming followers. Along with political change, the Spaniards introduced Christianity. In 1716, the area of the â€Å"Minuro it Akean† was designated as a province but it was called Capiz. After the Americans took the country from Spain in 1901, Don Natalio B. Acevedo, Aklan delegation head, presented the first memorial for the separation of Aklan from Capiz to the Junta Magna headed by Commissioner Dean C. Worcester.For the same purpose, the Aklanons in Congress filed numerous bills, including Urquiola-Alba bill in 1920, the Laserna-Suner bills in 1925 and 1930, and the Tumbokon bill in 1934. Aklan finally became an independent province when President Magsaysay signed into law the Republic Act 1414 on April 25, 1956. This was made through the efforts of Congressman Godofredo P. Ramos, and then the province was inaugurated on November 8, 1956. (Aklan Directory 2011, http://www. aklandirectory. com/aklan/, ret. 9/16/2012) Political families thrive in all but one province in the Philippines.From Batanes to Tawi-tawi, with the exception of Kalinga, members of political families hold public posts, both elective and appointive. GMA News Research has identified at least 219 political families that dominate the country’s political landscape. (2011, http;//www. gmanetwork. com, ret 9/30/2012) Like these provinces, Aklan’s history is also filled with family-based politics. In order to better understand the present political situations, studying the political history of Aklan in the lens of the familial perspective can led to discover new dimensions in our national history.The history of a political family in a particular province can be a microcosm of the kind of politics that happens in the Philippines. Thus, this study offers this perspective and understanding. Statement of the Problem This study is conducted to find out the political hi story of Aklan, through the case study in historical method of a selected political family in the province. Unlike Latin America, much more of the Philippine social research treated the country’s political history through its formal institutional structures rather than on the importance of the family and family history.However, it can be seen that in the works of several theorists and researchers like Wolf, Grossholtz, Kuznesof, Freyre, and Schneider, political families in the Philippines and around the world are found to have a more dominant force in shaping the society’s history including political, social, and economic institutions. Specifically, this study will seek to answer the following questions: 1. How the political family in Aklan emerged? 2. How do they maintain their influence in the province? 3. What are the family’s political practices to retain power? Significance of the StudyThis qualitative research may be significant primarily to historians in analyzing the centrality of family-based politics to many periods and problems in the Philippine history. For social scientists, this study will help them delve the roles of family as a primary unit of political organization; and will serve as a model for future Philippine research. For political science students, the findings of this study will help them understand the influence of political families on the course of Philippine politics. This study will also help politicians to formulate political strategies and practices based on the history of a political family.Lastly, this study can be added as a significant literature on the political history of Aklan; as well as, it can provide meaningful information for other related literatures. Definition of terms For the purpose of achieving clarity of meaning and interpretation, the following terms were defined. The Case study approach as an empirical inquiry investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context. (Yin 1984, 24) The Historical method comprises the techniques and guidelines by which historians use primary sources and other evidence to research and then to write histories in the form of accounts of the past. (2012, http://en. ikipedia. org/w/index. php, ret. 9/30/2012) A  political family  is a  family  in which several members are involved in  politics, particularly  electoral politics. Members may be related by blood or marriage; often several  generations  or multiple  siblings  may be involved. (2012, http://en. wikipedia. org/w/index. php, ret. 9/30/2012) The Province of Aklan  is located in the Northeast portion of Panay Island, and has a total land area of 1, 817. 9 km? which is composed of 17 municipalities. It has a total population of 495, 122 (NSO 2007 census), and Kalibo is the capital town. (Aklan Directory  2011, http://www. aklandirectory. om/aklan/, ret. 9/30/2012) Delimitation of the Study This study will be conducted during the first semester of the school year 2012-2013 until the second semester of the school year 2013-2014. This will be conducted among a purposively selected political family in the Province of Aklan. The case study in historical method will be used in this study to investigate the political history of the Province of Aklan. The researchers in order to collect detailed data needed in this study will employ participant observations, key informant interviews, directly interview the participants, and examine relevant records, documents, and reports.Chapter 2 Review of Related Literature Chapter 2 includes previous studies on political families which are divided into the International Context, the Philippine Context, and the Visayan Context. The International Context includes the previous studies on family-based politics and the history of elite political families around the world. The Philippine Context includes studies about the Filipino family and Philippines as a weak, postcolonial state that led to the em ergence of political families. The Visayan Context includes case studies of two political families in the Visayas — the Lopez family and the Osmena family.Political Families The International Context In almost any country in the world, there are always leading political elite families that exist. A significant number of these families can be traced in United States, Brazil, and Mexico. In the United States, the well-known Adams Family of Massachusetts has been the subject of much autobiographical and biographical research. Meanwhile, the Pessoa family is popular as leading actors in Brazilian politics, and the Sanchez-Navarros’ family of Mexico is known for both wealth and power.For several decades, Latin American historians have used detailed microstudies of elite families to discover new dimensions in their national histories. As Gilberto Freyre (1964, 155 and 161), a pioneer in this field, once argued, anyone studying a people’s past will find that historical constants are more significant than ostensibly heroic episodes and will discover that what happens within the family is far more important than often-cited events in presidential mansions, in parliaments and large factories. Applying this perspective toBrazil, Freyre found that Brazil’s most distinctive elite families emerged in the sugar districts of the northeast during the sixteenth century- fusing land, sugar, and slaves to become patriarchs of â€Å"untrammelled power† or unlimited power and â€Å"total fiat† or absolute decree. Arguing that the patriarchal family still exerts a subtle influence on the â€Å"the ethos of contemporary Brazilians,† Freyre cites the case of President Epitacio Pessoa who in the early decades of this century was known as â€Å"Tio Pita† (Uncle Pita) in recognition of his penchant for appointing male relations to key government posts.Another historian, Linda Lewin (1979, 263) has produced some of the most refined h istoriographic reflections on the connection between familial and national history in her writing on the Pessoa family of Paraiba State in Brazil. By the late 1970s the field of family history was so well developed in Latin America that another Brazilian historian Linda Lewin (1979, 263) stated that the â€Å"family-based† approach to the political history as a â€Å"commonplace in Brazilian history. Many historians had already employed the family historiography as an approach in discovering different dimensions of Brazilian political history thus making it popular around Latin America. Similarly, an essay by Felstiner (1976, 58) on the role of kinship politics in Chile’s independence movement began with the words â€Å"the importance of the family in Latin America goes unquestioned. † Many historical documents show that the leading elite families in Chile, such as the O’Higgins family, started the movements for independence against the Spanish colonizer s.A decade later, Latin American historians were still unanimous in their belief that the elite family played a uniquely important political role in their region. Introducing eight essays, Elizabeth Kuznesof and Robert Oppenheimer (1985, 215) observed that the family in Latin America is found to have been a more central and active force in shaping political, social, and economic institutions of the area than was true in Europe or United States. Indeed, they found that institutions in Latin America society make much more social sense, particularly in the nineteenth century, if viewed through the lens of family relationships.As democracy flourished in the young Latin America, elite families engaged in the political arena and started to stabilize political institutions, such as the electoral system and civil society. Charles H. Harris, a historian, (1975, 314) stated that the Sanchez-Navarros’ family is one of the oldest and most influential families of Spanish descent in Mexico since 1577. The Sanchez Navarro family's â€Å"latifundio† or an estate composed of two or more haciendas  is composed of seventeen haciendas and covers more than 16. 5 million acres—the size of West Virginia.It is said to be the largest  Ã¢â‚¬Å"latifundio† ever to have existed, not only in Mexico but also in all of Latin America. In Harris’ discussion of the acquisition of land, the technology of ranching, labor problems, and production on the Sanchez Navarro estate, and of the family's involvement in commerce and politics, he finds that the development of the  Ã¢â‚¬Å"latifundio†Ã‚  was only one aspect in the Sanchez Navarros' rise to power. He also emphasizes the great importance of the Sanchez Navarros' widespread network of family connections in their commercial and political activities.Reflecting their rich historical traditions, America have also produced impressive family histories. Political families are not a new concept in the United States. The Adams family of Massachusetts, for example, has been the subject of autobiographical and biographical research. (Musto 1981, 40-58) The  Adams political family  is one of the most prominent political families in United States history, originating in Massachusetts and having a profound impact on the development of the nation's path from the 18th century and onwards.The family has produced numerous important New England politicians as well as two Presidents – John Adams (1797-1801) and George Adams (1851-1861) but also several ambassadors and literary figures. The children and grandchildren of the Adams family were raised with the idea that public service was expected of you. (2011, http://seattletimes. com/html/nationworld/2004164299_dynasty05. html, ret. 10/10/2012) Similarly, like other developed and developing countries around the globe, the history of Philippines is also shaped by elite families that play leading roles in the control and influence on insti tutions of the government.The Philippine Context The political families are the actors that have played in the political landscape of the Philippines and have shaped the outcome of the past and are engaged in shaping the future of the Philippines. The Philippine history should not only be viewed as the interaction of different institution of society such as the state, civil societies, the Roman Catholic Church, and the different popular movements. Instead, we should also dissect its political history through the paradigm of elite families.The importance of family-society relationship in the Philippines based on Jean Grossholtz’s description (1964, 86-870, â€Å"the strongest unit of society demanding the deepest loyalties of the individual and coloring all social activity with its own set of demands. † He then remarked that the communal values of family are often in conflict with the impersonal values of the institutions of the larger society. Many Filipino historians have been critical, and they generally disregarded the leading families and provincial elites in the Philippines on ideological grounds.Nationalistic historians have dismissed the country’s elites for being traitors and conformists to the colonizers. Teodoro Agoncillo (1960, 644-645), one the most famous historian in Philippine history, remarked that the ilustrados have betrayed the revolution. Renato Constantino (1975, 232), a contemporary of Agoncillo, called the same elites as collaborators. According to the founder of the Communist Party of the Philippines, Jose Maria Sison, the country’s elites were a small alien element – either rural feudal landholders or urban, comprador bourgeoisie as cited by Guerrero (1979, 234-249).According to McCoy (1994, 4), most Filipino biographies, the potential building blocks for elite-family studies, are more hagiography (idolizing biography) than history. Many of these biographies are funded by the family or the person that is the subject of these biographies. Biographers write as if death has cleansed what misdeeds their subject has done in society. Such accounts, McCoy added, are exoneration from the charges of their enemies, silence about their cunning or corruptions, and a celebration of their contribution to the nation.McCoy commented that the weak state and powerful political oligarchies have combined to make a familial perspective on national history relevant. The Philippines has a long history of strong families assuring social survival when the nation-state is weak. In the 20th century, the state has collapsed, partially or wholly, at least four times in the midst of war and revolution. After independence in 1946, moreover, the Philippine central government lost control over the countryside to regional politicians, some so powerful that they become known as warlords.In Philippine politics a family name is a valuable asset. A good name translates strongly to an advantage in polling. Believing that an established name carries cachet and qualification, parties often favor a promising scion of an old line when selecting candidates. Many Filipino politicians use their kinship networks (McCoy 1993, 10), to assure their ascension to power. A kinship network is a working coalition drawn from a larger group related by blood, marriage, and ritual.As elite families bring such a flexible kinship ties into the political arena, elections often assume a kaleidoscopic complexity of coalition and conflict, making Filipino politics appear volatile. It has a unique capacity to create informal political team that assigns specialized roles to its members, thereby maximizing coordination and influence. The Visayan Context Most of the well-known political families in the Philippines have political roots in their home provinces. Whether in the provinces of Luzon, Visayas, or Mindanao, there would always be certain political families that would dominate the political arena.The Lopez Family In A lfred McCoy’s essay (1994, 429-517) â€Å"Rent-Seeking Families and the Philippine State: A History of the Lopez Family† illustrates the close connection between state power and the private wealth by elite families in the Philippines. He says that in the Philippine setting, the study of a single rent-seeking family may be the most appropriate way of bridging the gap between western economic theory and the Filipino familial paradigm. Among the leading Filipino families, the Lopezes are, by virtue of their history, well suited for such a case study.Seeking knowledge of the family’s origins and early character, McCoy’s essay begins in the 1870s when the Lopezes enter the historical record as pioneer sugar planters on the plantation frontier of Negros Island. But early on 1850s, they already first appeared to be local merchants. Basilio Lopez served as one of Jaro’s cabeza-de barangay and later as a gobernadorcillo. The growth of their political and co mmercial influence paralleled the emergence of national political elite (McCoy 1994, 440-441).While the second generation consolidated property and position within a regional planter elite, their children made a successful transition to sugar milling and commerce during the 1920’s. In the five generations of the Lopezes it has a history of both skillful male and female entrepreneurs and politicians (McCoy 1994, 441-444). However, among the family’s twenty-six hundred descendants, it was Eugenio and Fernando Lopez, who initially raised the family’s position to first rank of national prominence. Backed by Eugenio’s growing wealth, Fernando Lopez was appointed as a mayor of Iloilo City for two years in September 1945.He quickly secured overall leadership of the province, relegating Jose Zulueta, his ally, to the position of perennial challenger. His career as provincial politician involved the using violence to advance their interests. In 1946 the Lopezes sh ifted their capital and residence to Manila. They traded in influence and avoided violence. No longer rooted in the land or dependent upon the social power of the provinces, the Lopezes came to depend upon the state, through the medium of presidency, for the financial and regulatory concessions that would assure the prosperity of their corporations.With the Lopez brothers’ relations with a succession of Philippine presidents, they prospered under the administration of their allies from their patron Quezon, Sergio Osme? a, Elpidio Quirino, and Manuel Roxas. In 1947, he was elected to the Senate. In 1965, the presidential candidate was Ferdinand Marcos. Fernando Lopez, despite his presidential aspirations, became Marcos' vice-presidential running mate, creating a ticket that married private wealth to populist appeal. The Lopez alliance with Marcos was a strategic blunder born of tactical necessity.To insure the defeat of incumbent President Macapagal, the Lopezes had felt compe lled to ally themselves with Marcos. Eugenio Lopez used his money, media, and machine to make Marcos president in 1965 elections. Not long after, Eugenio Lopez launched a major expansion and diversification program at Meralco. Again, with the Lopez support Marcos was reelected in 1969. In January 1971, however, a break occurred, which erupted into what may be the most public and vitriolic split in the Philippine political history.According to Marcos, the Lopezes were demanding concessions to advance their interests. According to the Lopezes, Marcos was demanding shares in their family corporations. Using the Manila Chronicle, the Lopezes began an attack, publishing exposes of graft within the administration. When a delegation of Tondo workers called upon the president at the battle’s peak, Marcos vowed: â€Å"we will crush the Lopez oligarchy to pieces. † After suffering five months of media criticism, Marcos finally sued for peace by paying a call on Eugenio at his Pa ranaque residence (McCoy 1994, 508).Sixteen months later in Marcos’s declaration of martial law, the Lopez family became the main target of his â€Å"revolution from above. † He used the same licensing powers that had built the Lopez wealth to destroy the family’s fortune and transfer their assets to a new economic elite composed of his own kin. Paul Hutchcroft (1991, 414-450), a political scientist said that, â€Å"using the state and its army, Marcos became the first president since Quezon to reduce the autonomy of provincial elites.He employed economic regulations, backed by threat of force, to pursue the main aim of his rule-changing the composition of the country’s economic elite. In Negros Occidental, for example, Marcos created a new stratum of supralocal leaders whom he financed with rents. On July 1975, Eugenio Lopez died of cancer in San Francisco while Geny Lopez remained in prison on capital charges. In the end, Marcos did not destroy the Lop ez family’s accumulated legitimacy, contacts, and skills (McCoy 1994, 518). Marcos’s fall from power in 1986 heralded the restoration of the Lopez fortunes.In the restoration of the family’s fortunes under President Aquino, it is argued that Eugenio Lopez succeeded in handing down enough of his capital and skills to perpetuate his family’s position within the national economic elite. In his essay, McCoy (1994, 431) explains the role of rents for it has a good deal about the weakness of the Philippines and the corresponding strength of Filipino political families. As defined by James Buchanan (1980, 7-8) rents appear when the state uses regulation to restrict â€Å"freedom of entry† into the market.If these restrictions create a monopoly, the economic consequences are decidedly negative—slowing growth and enriching a few favoured entrepreneurs. Competition for such monopolies, a political process called â€Å"rent-seeking,† can produce intense conflict. Anne Krueger (1980, 52-57) has argued that in many Third World countries rents are â€Å"pervasive facts of life. † In India such restricted economic activity accounted for 7. 3% of their national income in 1964, while in Turkey rents from import licenses alone represented about 15 percent of the gross national product in 1968.In the Philippines, political economists have applied this theory to explain how the Palace’s rent-seeking courtiers after Marcos era used state power to plunder the country. Manuel Montes (1989, 84-148), a Filipino economist, argues that â€Å"the economic structure of the country stimulates, encourages, and provides the greatest rewards to ‘rent-seeking’ activities. † As evidence for this provocative reconceptualization of rent-seeking, Montes offers his readers a superficial catalogue of businessmen who have served regimes from Quezon to Marcos. In the presidency of Manuel Roxas,† says Montes in a t ypical passage, â€Å"Soriano, Eugenio Lopez†¦ and Jose Yulo were influential businessmen. † The story of Eugenio Lopez illustrates that for over thirty years, he had used presidential patronage to secure subsidized government financing and dominate state-regulated industries, thereby amassing the largest private fortune in the Philippines (McCoy 1993, 429-430). In the Philippines, the succession of presidents has played partisan politics with the state’s economic powers, awarding loans and creating rents to reward the political brokers who assured their election.Underlying the executive’s partisan use of state power are political elites who fuse public office with private business. For the elites to justify the high risk of campaign investments, public office must promise extraordinary rewards. More than any other entrepreneur of the Republican era, Eugenio Lopez, Sr. , mastered the logic of political investment. The Lopez brothers, being the most successf ul rent-seekers, formed corporate conglomerates that relied in some way upon the state licenses.Since all of their major corporations were in some sense due to rent system, their commercial success involved a commingling of business and politics. Such a system leaves an ambiguous legacy (McCoy 1993, 435-437). Not only in Western Visayas had leading political families emerged as national actors but also a significant number are found in Central Visayas. The Osmena Family Another political family that has long dominated the political landscape of the Philippines for many years since the beginning of the 20th century is the Osmena family of Cebu.The Osmenas rose to prominence when Sergio Osmena, Sr. was elected governor of the Province of Cebu and then as Speaker of the Philippine National Assembly during the American colonial period. He was eclipsed only in power by the political maneuverings that Quezon made to overpowering him in the National Assembly and capturing the post as the P resident of the Philippine Commonwealth in 1935. After World War II, Sergio Osmena, Sr. went back to the Philippines as President to establish his control as head of the government in the Philippine archipelago.Osmena’s son, Serging, later became the governor of Cebu and candidate for the Presidency in the 1969 election against Ferdinand Marcos. The present generation of Osmenas is still politically active in Cebu and in national politics. The Osmenas dominated the political world of Cebu not through the usual guns, goons, and gold that are usually used by their political rival like the Sottos, Cuencas,and Duranos. The Osmenas dominated the provincial politics of Cebu because they are highly skilled in the craft of politics. (Resil, 1993, p. 316) They are wealthy, but their wealth do not equate for their capacity to coerce people to vote for them.They use their wealth skillfully, by using it for political gains. They are not as rich as their opponents who have huge haciendas but they show their prowess as politicians during elections. Elections are an exercise deeply inscribed in the Filipino political imagination. Theoretically, an election provides the occasion for society to take cognizance to itself. This is the time when citizens are most self-conscious, a season of stock-taking, when voters reflect on their collective state and history and make choices about leaders, policies, and â€Å"futures†.The â€Å"democratic space† or surface that allows an unlimited range for diverse values and commitments is most visible in incumbents submitting themselves for popular judgement and candidates presenting ideas of government, in the public exchange of contrary views, and, finally, in the voter weighing his or her options and casting a ballot in the ritual’s inner sanctum, the polling booth. (Mojares 1993, 319) The reality of Philippine politics is not tidy. Intensive exploitation of mass media and propaganda techniques crowd public spa ce during the electoral season.There are restrictions of thought and action; however, beneath the diversity and dynamism of election, these restrictions, according to Mojares (1993, 319), are an underdeveloped party system, elite dominance and ideological sameness of candidates, exclusion of those who fail to muster the considerable resources needed to mount a campaign, the subordination of issues to particularistic concerns, elaborate forms of terrorism and fraud, and the cultural baggage of traditional values of power and dependence.Elections, therefore, do not constitute a free field but are in fact, an arena in which the existing limits on participation are further exercised and enforced. In Philippine elections we have a case in which the elite or dominant class usually constructs political reality for citizens. This process may be seen in the centrality accorded to the election itself as field of action and a channel for effecting political change. In elections, obeisance is r endered to the â€Å"state† of the people are constituted or reconstituted as its â€Å"subjects†. In effect, the periodic holding of elections nourishes and renews the government’s system.In the process, it also tends to reify the existing system and deemphasize other areas of political work such as mass organizing, interest-group lobbying, and â€Å"armed struggle. †(Mojares 1993, 320) Elections, by their very nature, provide us with a concentrated expression of the process of ideological domination. This is one area in which Osmena phenomenon is important since the Osmena have built their dominance less on sheer economic power (though the use of such power was basic in their rise) or physical repression (though they were not innocent of its methods) than on their mastery of the instrumental aspects of electoral power building.From this they draw their distinctive character as Filipino kingpins. Skillful management of ideological practices takes precede nce over reliance on superior economic leverage (as in the case of the Lopez family), a system of traditional patronage (as in the Durano Family), a mix of religion and militarism (as in Ali Dimaporo), or systematic electoral fraud as what the Marcoses did. The matter of ideology both as the world of social meanings and the politician’s stance in this world is germane to achieving an understanding of the Osmenas.In electoral contest in Cebu, public discourse has been dominated by conservative politicians. Political speech gravitates around the two poles of personality and issues. The Osmena discourse skillfully combines both personality and issues. Personality is the low mode of discourse and encompasses the verbal abuse, muckraking, vulgar humor, and gossip. Issue is the high mode, consisting of the presentation of government platforms or the qualifications and social ideas of candidates. It is not however a systematic exposition of ideology but a minimalist statement of gen eral and abstract principles and a isting of specific projects. Public discourse on politics is neither wholly open nor free. Control of public channels of communication, elite construction of tradition, selective deployment of languages, and the limits of Philippine language situation-in concert with material conditions that sustain attitudes of political subjection- prosper ideological domination. The Osmenas are masters in the management of politics and are, in fact, the ones who inaugurated in Cebu politics the systematic use of modern mass media for electoral purposes.They are skilful in the selection of messages and the manipulation of symbols so effective in Philippine electoral politics, particularly in the context of the structurally undeveloped urbanism of Cebu. Theirs is an ideology of â€Å"developmentalism† and â€Å"modernity† with its promise of rational management, bureaucratic efficiency and technocratic expertise in the design and execution of public projects. It is a minimalist ideology, however, in its loose aggregation of generalities and particularities and in its avoidance of a systematic critique of structures of social and economic domination.The Osmenas have put their considerable entrepreneurial and organizational skills to good use in their electoral campaigns such as in managing finances, contracting a quality staff for media packaging and opinion surveys, and running an efficient campaign organization. They have a fund of political experience, an organizational network built up through many elections, the support of big business and the persuasive reputation of â€Å"winners. † The Osmenas have defined their electoral campaigns in terms of â€Å"crusades† that use primordial symbols of democracy, autonomy, and progress.More adept than their opponents in ceasing the ideological high ground, the Osmenas have defined political reality in advantageous terms. They appeal to both the past and the future, on o ne hand by resurrecting selective images of the past, and on the other hand, by evoking visions of a modern, progressive future in their campaign speeches. Underlying, the Osmena phenomenon is a practice of conservative politics, one that restricts the distribution of power and constructs the politics as pulitika.According to Reynaldo Ileto (1984, 10), pulitika is the perception of politics as a process of bargaining, with implicit self of factional interest involved. The interaction between the colonial power and its native wards was pulitika. At another level, it refers to the practices by which leaders cultivate ties of personal loyalty and indebtedness to them and simply attract votes. In the Philippines, pulitika is not politics (whether construed broadly as the totality of public or civic life or narrowly as democratic bargaining or consensus building). Rather, it is that field of politics largely constructed and dominated by the elites.It is in this context that families with economic resources and political skills come perpetuate themselves in power. The specific character of the Osmena dominance has been shaped by such factors as the American ethos of rational government, the personality, and temper of the Osmenas themselves, their belief in the electoral system and the characteristics of the region in which they have founded their beliefs. To a significant extent, the Osmenas are not only instrumentalists but true believers in the precepts of liberal democracy and free enterprise.Theirs, however, is a minimalist ideology subordinated to the exigencies and demands of action in the realm of pulitika. It is also an ideology that mobilizes people around their leadership does not empower them nor seriously address the structural problems of Philippine society. The Osmena dominance has been shaped as well by the practical grosser realities of power maintenance in the Philippines, which require of leaders not only ideological competence but expedience skill s in realpolitik, in the lower-oder devices of lying, bribery, horse trading, and thuggery.Political culture has constructed the families like the Osmenas, for a political family is the sum not just what its members posses or do but of how it is regarded in the community. Politicians like the Osmena’s adjust because of the altered conditions: modifying the rhetoric by adding new messages, revising their campaign style and addressing new issues. By doing so they can appropriate new symbols, coop new leaders, re-establish new borders that keep political action bounded yet pressures from the below will make it increasingly difficult to give new life or maintain the old boundaries.To the extent that these pressures build and are not meaningfully confronted, the Osmenas may find that no longer holds sway, that the terms of the struggle have shifted radically, and that the struggle for power is now taking place elsewhere. Synthesis Elite families can be seen as both object and subj ect of history, shaping and being shaped by the processes of change. In many countries all over the world, elite families engaged in politics to gain power and influence, in turn they shape the history of their country. Among these are political families from Brazil, Mexico, and United States.As the family-based approach in history was employed and developed in these countries, the interest to utilize this approach in the history of Southeast Asian countries grew. The Philippines as a weak, postcolonial state became a breeding ground for strong and influential political families that defined the history of the country. The leading family of Cebu, the Osmenas, emerged through the use of their skills in statecraft. The Osmenas have displayed their brilliance in organizing their political machinery and the employment of symbols during elections.Meanwhile, the Lopezeses of Iloilo, started as hacienderos until they became leading national actors and businessmen in 1950s. The great influe nce, wealth, and success of the Lopez brothers until today can be attributed to their rent-seeking activities. Chapter 3 Research Design and Methodology Chapter 3 has four parts: (1) Research Design, (2) Data Sources and Collection, (3) Site and Participant Selection, and (4) Data Treatment Procedures and Analysis Part 1, Research Design, discusses the structure of the study and the research approach to which the study will be anchored.Part 2, Data Sources and Collection, addresses the sources of the data and presents the research method that will be employed. Part 3, Site and Participant Selection, describes the rationale for choosing the setting of the study on how the participants will be collected. Part 4, Data Treatment Procedure and Analysis, details the specific procedures in analyzing the data that will be collected during the study. Research Design This study will follow the principles of the qualitative research.According to Holloway (1997, 2), qualitative research is a fo rm of social inquiry that focuses on the way people interpret and make sense of their experiences and the world in which they live. A number of different approaches exist within the wider framework of this type of research, but most of these have the same aim: to understand the social reality of individuals, groups and cultures. Researchers use qualitative approaches to explore the behavior, perspectives and experiences of the people they study. The basis of qualitative research lies in the interpretive approach to social reality.In line with the research design, the researchers will utilize the case study as the approach for this study. The case study approach (Yin 1980, 2) is a research strategy entailing an empirical investigation of a contemporary phenomenon within its real life context using multiple sources of evidence, and is especially valuable when the boundaries between the phenomenon and context are blurred. RESEARCH DESIGN Experiential Knowledge Preliminary Interviews Li terature Review Preliminary Conceptual Model Observation Interviews Documentary Evidence FindingsRevised & Enhanced Conceptual Model Working Hypotheses Member Checks Final Report Data Sources and Collection Historical method will be used to investigate the political history of Aklan in the lens of familial perspective. Historiography, according to Furay and Salevouris (1979, 223-224) is the study of the way history has been and is written, it is the history of historical writing. In studying historiography, there is no need to study the events of the past directly, but the changing interpretations of those events in the works of individual historians.The researchers in order to collect detailed data needed in this study will employ participant observation. Participant observation (Pearson 1995, 1) refers to a form of sociological research methodology in which the researcher takes on a role in the social situation under observation. The researchers will also directly interview the pa rticipants. Interviews (Lincoln, Y. S. , and Guba 1985, 37) provide very different data from observations: they allow the evaluation team to capture the perspectives of project participants, staff, and others associated with the project.In the hypothetical example, interviews with project staff can provide information on the early stages of the implementation and problems encountered. Key informant interviews will also be conducted. Key informant interviews (Pearson 1995, 1) are qualitative in-depth interviews with people who know what is going on in the community. The purpose of key informant interviews is to collect information from a wide range of people including community leaders, professionals, or residents who have firsthand knowledge about the community. The researchers will also conduct document studies.Existing records often provide insights into a setting and/or group of people that cannot be observed or noted in another way. This information can be found in document form . Lincoln and Guba (1985, 198) defined a document as any written or recorded material not prepared for the purposes of the evaluation or at the request of the inquirer. Documents can be divided into two major categories: public records, and personal documents (Guba and Lincoln 1981, 22). Site and Participant Selection The selection of the setting for this research will be the Province of Aklan.Two reasons were seen necessary for the researchers: first, there are several political families in the Province of Aklan, and second, the province has a rich political history. The participant for this research will be conducted among a purposively selected political family in the Province of Aklan. Data Treatment Procedure and Analysis A case study analysis consists of making a detailed description of the case and its setting. (Creswell 2007, 163) in analyzing the data, the researchers will create an organized file for data.They will then read through texts and make margin notes from its ini tial codes. After organizing and reading the data, the researchers will describe the case and its context. The researchers will then use categorical aggregation to establish themes or patterns. After establishing the themes or patterns, the researchers will use direct interpretation to interpret the case. They will then develop a naturalistic generalization. Lastly, after developing a naturalistic generalization, the researchers will present an in-depth picture of the case or cases using narrative, tables, and figures.

Pagan Christianity by Frank Viola Essay

The book â€Å"Pagan Christianity† by Frank Viola and George Barna leads readers into the world of religion, religious customs and rituals, sermons and religious clothing. The authors show how the church has changed over times and what new practices and beliefs it has adapted. Frank Viola is known to be an American writers and speaker who has published a series of books devoted to problems with church calling people to return to the biblical principles. Therefore, the central thesis of the book is that people should get back to biblical principles in their religious beliefs because modern church practices are rooted in secular or Pagan practices which have nothing to do with the Bible and God’s commandments, as well as the church doesn’t resemble the early church which was described in the book of Acts. Modern church is based on hierarchical structure; whereas the author claims Jesus came with the strong intent to put an end to legalism, structure and hierarchy. The book is very interesting from historical viewpoint and I think that it is broadly accurate offering us new insights and facts from religious past. Pagan Christianity The authors start their narration with strong claim that modern churches have little resemblance with the early centuries churches described in the New Testament. With the partaking of the Traditional Church the author became very interested trying to reveal what we went on. The first chapter is reflection of authors’ inquiries on the subject of interest. For example, Viola questions whether there was a need to turn down light and to wait when the Spirit would move on to another church. The author thinks we are the ‘Children of Lights’, although he admits that he doesn’t agree with any theologian and preacher offering his unbiased review. It is said that the word ‘pagan’ is a part of book’s title and it is applied to the churches being discussed. However, even the authors agree that often this term is not applicable. In the second chapter the author discusses the issue of the Church Building and ‘modern’ church-goerselievers. It is emphasized that the Church has built itself. The original meaning of the word refers to the Greek language ‘ekklesia’ and it means a group assembled. Viola argues that time and words are describing the gradual development of Holy Places and things which are considered important parts of religious world. The authors discuss Constantine as he was one of the first Christians who gave legitimacy to the Christian Religion. Constantine promoted and supported grand displays of religious architecture. Further, the authors review religious clothing, music, steeples, architecture, thrones borrowed from other cultures along with customs and rituals. In the third chapter Viola provides overview of the order of traditional Worship and description of Sunday morning sets. He argues that standard order should be held in all churches with only slight differences. For example, he writes: â€Å"You can scour your Bible from beginning to end, and you will never find anything that remotely resembles our order of worship†. Further, the authors describe contributions of historical Church leaders – Luther, the Puritans, the Pentecostals, etc. In the fourth chapter they describe the sermon abandoning principles of Protestantism. The authors argue that the early churches were not the sermons; instead, they were places for gathering and Jesus functioned as its Head. In the fifth chapter Viola and Barna introduce the Pastor which is viewed as an obstacle to functioning of every member. The pastor is the fundamental figure in Protestantism and he â€Å"is often better known, more highly raised, and more heavily relied on than Jesus Christ Himself†. (p. 65) And it is a serious mistake. It is noted that the word ‘pastor’ isn’t a tile – instead, it is a function. Viola notes that the word ‘pastor’ is referred to in Ephesians 4:11 only one time: â€Å"a scanty piece of evidence on which to hang the Protestant Faith. In this regard there seems to be more biblical authority for snake handling than there is for the present-day pastor†. p. 66) In the sixth chapter there is a detailed description of Sunday morning costumes. The authors describe dressing up for church, what clothing is appropriated and why. The next chapter is devoted to the origins of Music Ministry and description of the hierarchy of clergy. The eighth chapter analyzes Tithing stressing that it is used in the New Testament and Clergy Compensation, althou gh it is never used by the Christians. Further, the authors specify Baptism, its core principles and fundamentals. They explain that Baptism has replaced the Sinner’s Prayer. The Lord’s Supper was firstly a festive banquet and, therefore, lost its concrete picture of ‘The Body and Blood’. The final chapters are devoted to religious education and how it is possible to receive the qualification to Minister the gospel. Viola and Barna provide new insight into the New Testament offering so-called second glance at Jesus, churches, pastor functioning, religious customs and education. Conclusion: Strengths & Weaknesses Frank Viola and Geroge Barna offer new ideas and facts about religious order, customs, traditional music and dressing. The book is very informative, innovative and well-organized. Moreover, it is very interesting from historical perspective as it is challenging and thought-provoking. The authors incorporate many references about the culture of time, adaptation of church, etc. I like their idea about church building that church is not the place – it is the people. Nevertheless, there were several controversial moments I can’t agree with. I see that Viola offers his own version of organized empire and it seems that he is supreme speaker and the founder of knowledge. It is evidence of hierarchy which he manages to escape. Moreover, he claims that such situation shouldn’t happen in church, although he puts himself on superior position. Viola calls people to leave their church as all of them don’t follow Biblical principles. However, he tells we are the Body of Christ contradicting himself. I think that we shouldn’t worry about such doctrinal issues. Despite certain weaknesses, the book is very informative and fresh.

Comparative Analysis of Two Teachers Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Comparative Analysis of Two Teachers - Essay Example To begin with, this teacher, whose class was supposed to start after our lunch period, always started her class not on time, but 30 minutes early. Meaning that rather than having an hour to rest between classes, on the days that I had this particular science class, my classmates and I ended up wolfing down our lunches and running to class, sometimes while still chewing, in order not to miss the start of the session. I hated the days when I had this class specifically for this reason. It was bad enough that all she did was have us draw diagrams and jot down notes as she wrote it on the board, but she oftentimes failed to accurately explain the science lesson as well. To make matters even worse, this teacher warned us that if we failed 2 short quizzes and her single long exam, we could forget the quarterly exams, fail the standard quizzes and we got an automatic fail in her class.   This was in stark contrast to my teacher in English whom we all adored because of her compassion for h er students. She knew that our class could be boring because of all the text that we had to read and understand so she developed ways to keep us interested in her class. She used role-playing activities, student oral presentations, and film viewings to her advantage. There was not a student who did not love her because she treated her students as equals rather than subordinate students. She allowed us to have an opinion and she always encouraged open discussion of the class topic. She never said a student had a wrong answer.

Tolkien's On Fairy Stories and the Hobbit Essay

Tolkien's On Fairy Stories and the Hobbit - Essay Example In Tolkien’s, â€Å"On Fairy Stories,† he discusses the definition of â€Å"fairy-story.† He references the definition of the Oxford English Dictionary on â€Å"fairy-tale† as (1) a fairy legend, (2) an incredible story or unreal story, (c) a falsehood. Tolkien disagrees with all of the three definitions and describes his own definition. Tolkien argues that the term â€Å"Faà «rie† lacks definition. He says "Faà «rie cannot be caught in a net of words; It has many ingredients, but analysis will not necessarily discover the secret of the whole†. In Tolkien's essay, he says that he does not take beast-fables as fairy stories. He argues that these are stories "which no human being is concerned; or in which the animals are the heroes and heroines". However, he states that animals being able to speak have a venue in fairy stories since it gets from the desire for humans to communicate with other living beings. Since Tolkien believes an important operation of Faerie is "the satisfaction of certain primordial human desires," it makes a lot of sense that he included this into his fairy story. In The Hobbit, Bilbo communicates with the spiders, eagles, and Roà ¤c the raven. Gandalf understands the language of the Wargs although no one in the party can, and the dwarves understand the language of the ravens and crows. Some aspects of fairy-stories are in the plot of Tolkien’s The Hobbit. In â€Å"On Fairy-Stories†, â€Å"Faà «rie contains many things besides elves and fays, and besides dwarfs, witches, trolls, giants, or dragons: it holds the seas, the sun, the moon, the sky; and the earth, and all things that are in it: tree and bird, water and stone, wine and bread, and ourselves, mortal men, when we are enchanted†. Reading the story of The Hobbit, various imagery of nature, and the creatures and characters that dwell in it have been described in detail.

Global Supply Chain Management Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2750 words

Global Supply Chain Management - Essay Example Secondly, a high demand for quality and safe products become a challenge to a majority of Supply chains. Normally, the first obstacle and a lack of understanding on how to reduce the costs cause this. Management of supplier relationship could prove imperative in overcoming this challenge. Additionally, outsourcing, regular maintenance of machines as well as forecasting and preparing for customer’s ever-dynamic needs could be helpful. Thirdly, inadequate knowledge of the need to have a supply chain resiliency plan has been identified as the major hurdle for many. Three important relations in this third option include the supplier-customer, top management-supplier, and top management-customer relationships. This paper has extensively handled this topic, and hopefully, it will offer the much-needed solution. Supply chains play a critical role in ensuring that the services needed are delivered to their respective clients. On the other hand, the clients trust this industry to deliv er products and services, which are reliable, safe, and ones that meet the precise need they have. However, the recent horsemeat scandal involving Tesco has cast a shadow of doubt on the supply chains. A debate has since risen on the need to change the way supply chains do business with some calling for transparency on this industry’s operations. While it is easy to criticize an industry whenever a scandal especially one that has to do with health concerns, this paper’s takes a different approach. With an aim to provide a solution to a vital industry whose services are needed, this paper seeks to highlight at least three obstacles the Supply chain has to overcome. To achieve this goal, this paper uses the UK automobile manufacturers, Jaguar as a case study originally named ‘Swallow Sidecar Company’, Jaguar Landrover is UK multinational company headquartered in Whitley.

A)Review the causes of the financial crisis of 2007-2010 and decide Dissertation

A)Review the causes of the financial crisis of 2007-2010 and decide whether it is linked to too much or too little government i - Dissertation Example 127-138, 2000). It is an observation that the last depression phase of 1930s resulted in huge number of adverse impacts around the world (Brain, pp. 321-327, 1999); however, the current financial crisis on global level seems to be having far more reaching effects on the developed, as well as developing parts of the world. In particular, the world witnessed running down of the US economy during mid of the year 2007 and then the crisis subsequently hit different parts of the world due to lack of liquidity available in the US banking system as well as crumple of various huge financial organizations. In addition, financial experts (Bono, pp. 1-34, 2008) have indicated adverse role of government as well that caused the global financial crisis and that is still resulting in adverse impact globally. In this regard, today, a huge number of economies around the world are still confronting the viral effects of the global financial crisis due to their dependence on processes of US economy (Davi es & Green, pp. 10-18, 2008). Debate and discussion regarding different aspects of financial industry is not a new practice (Zhang, pp. 23-30, 1995). After every financial crisis, it is an observation that financial experts argue and discuss the role of authorities and government to avoid any crisis in the future. Such debates were observable in the year 2001 after collapse of Enron (Amel et al., 2493-2519, 2004), as well as in the year 2004 at the time of WorldCom tragedy, and in the year 2008 with the collapse of Lehman Brothers. Interestingly, experts have indicated that accounting frauds and government scandals are some of the most common underlying reasons that exist behind every financial crisis (Goldsmith, pp. 8-11, 2009). In particular, this paper is an attempt in the same series of debates and discussions that will include analysis of different aspects of global financial crisis while going through the collapse of Lehman brothers that enable a critical understanding of real istic factors that caused such crisis globally. FINANCIAL CRISIS OF 2007-2010 Causes of Financial Crisis As earlier mentioned in the introduction, shortage of liquidity in the US financial system became the first cause that triggered the roots to derive recent financial crisis in the United States. Subsequently, it affected other economies of the world as well by beginning with the collapses of different financial institutions, as well as investment banks in developed parts of the world that automatically affected developing nations. Analysis (Bebchuk et al., p. 31, 2009) has identified that investment banks, financial institutions were two of the main backbones of the US economy, and their bankruptcies gave a heavy blow to the country as collapse of even one stakeholder resulted in huge punch on the overall market. In the month of August 2008, the liquidity crisis hit the then leading investment bank, Lehman Brothers, and studies (Davies & Green pp. 56-60, 2008) have pointed out th e adverse role of certain newspapers that rumored about dishonoring of Lehman Brothers’ financial commitments by few banks. Such rumors initiated the process of financial crisis, as there were witnessing of huge queues at

Homelessness Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Homelessness - Essay Example They also claim that there is ‘tertiary homelessness’, which refers to people living in boarding housing on a long term basis without security of tenure or exclusive use of bathroom or kitchen facilities. Smith (2005) also claims that many homeless people are ‘hidden’ from official government statistics, e.g. people sleeping on the couch in friends houses. However, Heintjes (2005) argues that defining ‘hidden homelessness’ as a form of homelessness stretches the concept to such an extent that it loses its distinct value, and he questions whether defining it in this way is a useful concept at all. Carlen (1996) states that changes in the law, economic conditions, and social and political ideology contribute to homelessness. Carlen (1996) also claims that homelessness and the homeless are 20th Century productions, in which governments attempt to categorize it in order to try and tackle the problem. From this point of view, Marxist geographers incl uding Harvey (2005) argue that homelessness can in some parts be contributed to the inequality that exists in capitalist societies, in which there will always be ‘winners’, i.e. the bourgeoisie, and losers, i.e. proletariat. This often leads in low wages and unemployment for the poorest members of society, i.e. the wheels are capitalism lead to poverty, and consequently homelessness. It is therefore the belief of Marxist geographers that as long as capitalism exists, so to will poverty, unemployment and homelessness. The Homeless Link Report (2011), a partner agency which worked with the UK Government’s ‘No One Left Out’ rough sleeping strategy aimed to investigate how many people slept rough on a single night in England. They instructed councils to submit estimates of the number of people sleeping rough on the streets of their area and found an increase by 42% from 1,247 in 2009 to 1,768 in 2010. London had the highest number of rough sleepers on an y average night with about 415. The report also found that a range of demographic factors have a significant effect on the probability someone will become homeless. It is the purpose of the remainder of this essay to explore and identify the socio-demographical factors that increase the likelihood of a person becoming homeless, and whether adequate policies can prevent increased and future homelessness. Quilgars and Anderson (1997) claim that young people are more likely to experience homelessness than any other age group and they found that young people aged 16-24 are considerably over-represented in homeless figures, accounting for 30% of homeless people. A range of social and economic structural factors are believed to have contributed to the rise in youth homelessness including changes to housing policy, the labour market and the benefit system. Evans (1996) also argues that young people may have little support and are unprepared for leaving home and are therefore at the greates t risk of becoming homeless. Increasing youth unemployment, combined with reduced access and supply of social housing have also significantly increased youth homelessness. Carlen (1996) also believes there is a link between youth homelessness and local authority care, in which she found 40% of young homeless people have at one time in their life been in care. This also suggests that homelessness could be the effect of a rough upbringing, with little family support or relations. Therefore when young people leave care at the age of 18, they have no

CRM Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 2

CRM - Essay Example Threading also reduces visual clutter. Secondly, Gmail offer users with huge storage space, and thus, they can archive mails instead of deleting. Thirdly, Gmail users are advised to use labels instead of folders because an email can only be put in one folder; however, for flexibility, it can be put in many labels. Moreover, labels can be hierarchically organized. Fourthly, switching to Gmail like a pro entails using Gmail while working offline without any internet connection. Gmail can also be accessed through cell phones (Cloud Sherpas 2). Additionally, the fifth step listed by Cloud Sherpas in their article is the possibility of searching for emails with speed and accuracy instead of sorting, enjoying automatic software updates on a weekly basis, therefore, users experience new functionality. The seventh and last step in the article entails priority inbox. Gmail has a new feature known as priority inbox, which identifies a user’s important emails, and thus, separates it from other emails. Important emails are identified by priority inbox through the user’s pattern that is, the emails that are regularly opened and replied (Cloud Sherpas

Bioethics Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Bioethics - Case Study Example cochlear implants in various region within different communities to be able to identify significant of cochlear implant device in regards to stigmatization and acceptance within these communities. Cochlear implant device help children to communicate with others in efficiency manner. It gets hard for a child to communicate around when he or she do not have cochlear implant device. However, the stigmatization within different community at times prevails among this family with deaf person. Some communities however, disapprove the implantation of cochlear devices terming as non-correspondent virtue. Virtue ethics is the applied theory since deaf children without cochlear implants and living in the Deaf community usually gets hard times to communicate as far as the issue of cochlear device is concerned. According to the research, it has been known that this device have regulated the issue of deafness within different communities and any community against the cochlear implant decision not only disapprove the exercise but also need deafness issue to prevail at large. In conclusion, Cochlear implant device help children to communicate with others in efficient manner. It gets hard for a child to communicate around when he or she do not have cochlear implant device. Virtue ethics is the applied theory since deaf children without cochlear implants and living in the Deaf community usually gets hard times to communicate as far as the issue of cochlear device is concerned. According to the research, it has been known that this device have regulated the issue of deafness within different community. In the categories, there is only one group for the development, kind of jumping to the conclusion that the community is useless and that they want to develop their instrument. However, their intention is to have fifth group to address the benefits of keeping the children deaf or not. The only way to develop the instrument is to compare deaf children with non-deaf

Critical Review and Application in HP Company Essay

Critical Review and Application in HP Company - Essay Example In their efforts to diagnose an organisation, diagnosticians view an organization as an open system that comprises of input, outputs as well as throughputs. Argyris (1970) argues that key the importance of organizational model includes understanding of an organizational behavior, interpretation of the data that relate to an organisation, interpretation of the data and provision of understandable language. This paper seeks to analyze various diagnoses models and determine the most appropriate model that makes HP Company to have a competitive edge in the technology industry. Force Field Analysis Force Field Analysis was developed by Kurt Lewin with an aim of analyzing and managing problems that faces an organisation. According to this model, there exist forces that stimulate changes within a firm and restraining forces such as poor morale and limited resources that acts as obstacles to change. To understand the problems that face a company, the management must first identify and define the restricting and driving forces. This is followed by planning the goals that are effective in pushing the equilibrium of an organisation towards achieving the desired goals. According to Beer and Spector (1993), one of the major objectives of the Force Field Analysis is to achieve a state of equilibrium by eliminating the restraining forces as well as by adding the appropriate driving forces. Being based upon the change process, Force Field Analysis assumes that within a dynamic company the changes occur simultaneously. Leavitt’s Model Leavitt’s Model was developed in 1965 by Lewin. Being a simple model that is appropriate to deal with problems that face organisations, Leavitt’s Model specify various models that a firm can adopt rather than the driving forces that are adopted by the Force Field Analysis. Major variables emulated by Leavitt’s Model include human variables, task variables, technological variables and structure variables. Bollen and Long (1993) stipulates that key aspects that make up the structure variable include communication system, work flow within a firm as well as authority systems. According to this model, effective collaboration of all the systems within an organization is a vital aspect that ensures all the problems facing an organisation are effectively addressed. This model depicts that the major technological variables includes the machinery and equipments used by the task variable. On the other hand, task variables include all the activities and subtasks adopted during the provision of goods and services. Human variables encompass all the human resources that are involved during in undertaking various activities in order to achieve the organizational objectives (Emery and Trist, 1965). According to Leavitt’s Models, the interdependence of all the variables is imperative to achieve the desired change. This means that a change in one of the variables generate an impact on the entire model. For in stance, if a new technology is introduced in an organisation, the quality of the products and services that make up the task variables is improved. In the same way, human resources will be motivated due to the improved communication within and outside the organisation. Basically, any improvement in the technology will positively impact on the ent

English poetry Essay Example for Free

English poetry Essay The second decade of the twentieth century, a change-over period in the history of English poetry, was not a very inspirational one for poets. The existing group of poets, the Neo-Romantics attempted in vain to keep the Romantic spirit alive by writing about nature and harmony but with the arrival of industrialization and the beginnings of the modern world, it became painfully clear that the lilting, peaceful Romantic style was in no way a reflection of the present state of affairs. The mechanized world of machines, factories and similarly regimented human societies, long ignored by the Neo-Romantics was finally examined and put into verse by T. S. Eliot. Of the numerous works that capture the nascent modern world, one that stands out in particular is ‘The Love Song of J. Alfred Prufrock’. Eliot dives into the heart of urban decay in the first stanza itself, when he compares the evening to an etherized patient lying comatose on the operating table. The metaphor that symbolizes the numb, unquestioning society that inhabits the deserted streets, cheap hotels and sawdust restaurants captures a theme that is constantly revisited in this poem. The women who talk about Michelangelo do so as a ritual of fashion, without understanding anything about the art itself. Eliot goes on to compare the fog that spreads across the city to a cat that skulks on the rooftops before going to sleep. The fog that slips insidiously into every home represents the clouded judgment of the people that inherit the modern world. The protagonist in the poem echoes Marvell and the preacher in Ecclesiastes with the phrase, ‘there will be time, turning Marvell’s call to seize the moment and the preacher’s teaching- to everything there is a season- upside down to suit his indecisiveness. 2 The comparisons to Hamlet in the poem once again parallel the lack of resolve that characterizes the protagonist. He longs to be the rogue element in a society that picks up on the trivial things like one’s thinning hair, or depleted weight but fails to pay heed to life’s more important aspects. The protagonists envisions himself breaking the cycle and speaking life’s messages to the gossiping crowd only to falter at the moment of action. He finds himself pinned like an insect and unable to begin speaking his mind. He wonders if it is worth the trouble and anticipates that even if he were to speak, his message would be dismissed by as not being pertinent to the gossip that the society indulges in. His inability to make a change breeds some amount of self-loathing that surfaces in parches across the poem. Death- the eternal Footman- snickers at him for being afraid. He admits that he is neither a prophet nor Prince Hamlet; that he is merely an attendant lord whose capacity to act stops at staring a scene or two. The poem ends with the ageing protagonist taking a walk on the beach and slipping into another world where the mermaids are riding the waves and singing to each other. But even here, he believes that they will not sing to him. He lingers there for as long as he can, before he is awoken by the lifeless hand of human interaction and condemned for his lack of action, to drown in its throes. The themes that Eliot discusses through this poem and others like ‘The Burial of the Dead’ and ‘A Game of Chess’ explore and hit out against the soulless modern existence which moves along in a regimented stupor and parallels the oncoming wave of industrialization.

Impact of a major change at Blacks Essay Example for Free

Impact of a major change at Blacks Essay As I also stated in my introduction there have been many changes at Blacks recently in the last few months. Blacks are a fairly new business but have already become on of the UKs leading suppliers of outdoor gear. Since opening they have generated high revenue and have been highly profitable every year. Every year Blacks beats the previous year in sales which shows that their market share is also increasing. As Blacks looked at their financial status at the beginning of the year and looked at their objectives there was suddenly an opportunity in the market. Competitor called Outdoors, who supply similar products to Blacks for camping was in financial crisis. The only way for Blacks to increase their market share is to close in on competitors. Blacks saw their opportunity and starting buying Outdoors shares. Before buying shares though Blacks approached Outdoors and asked if they would be willing to comply with a friendly take over, but they rejected hoping that there financial crisis would be resolved. It soon became obvious that they were in too much debt so Blacks seized their opportunity and bought them out. A hostile takeover was imposed and there was nothing the firm could do. They tried to resist the takeover bid but could not manage the finances. The board of directors did their best to ensure shareholders that their interests would be best protected with the current board but many fled They are now in the process of changing these stores into Blacks stores. The implication of this change has had a big effect on both Blacks employees and Outdoors employees. There were feelings of fear as to what will happen with so many job that and who would work in the new stores. In order to show compassion to the existing workers of Outdoors it was decided that they were going to keep the majority of workers and only make a few redundant that had little product knowledge or were just simply not needed. However the staffs were assured that changes would be made in the culture so as to meet the required level of customer service that Blacks offer. This caused some unrest as they resisted to changes Due to workers being let go some rumours got around through to Blacks stores that existing Blacks employees may have been dropped. However it was just a rumour that fizzled out and started with no real reliable source. This was one main change that happened at Blacks. Another was the change of manager at the beginning of the year. As I have already stated the change in manager has not been the best to date. The new manger has adopted an autocratic style of management. This leaves no space for ideas to be shared or any participation in decision making. As a result of this many workers were threatening to leave as before the manger had come we were constantly making bonus by reaching our targets. Since he came though, we have not been able to make target because the workers are de-motivated. Ways of handling Resistance to Change The new changes at Blacks have affected the natural order of things at the workplace, for example, new working practices will be introduced, staff have been made redundant and some staff may be re-located to new stores. This in itself will lead a natural resistance to change, so the question is: how should managers handle this resistance to change? I will propose six easy steps: 1. Managers should keep workers informed at each stage as to what is going to happen. This can be done by having: -regular staff meetings -regular discussions -issue bulletins -team briefings 2. Managers need to involve workers in the decision making process. This way it helps them to feel a part of the organisation 3. Take steps to avoid rumours spreading and misinformation circulating within and outside the company 4. Set up works council where worker representatives can meet with senior management and discuss issues pertaining to the future of the business 5. Invest in training to enable workers to cope with change, also offer counselling to the workers who may need to be made redundant 6. Review the organisational culture to ensure it fits with the future plans for the business

Confucianism

Confucianism Many intellectual thinkers took birth in china that reformed politics, religion, and philosophy. To this day their impact can be felt in modern china. Confucianism became the dominant school of thought during the Han dynasty, but as we know, other ideologies, such as Daoism and Legalism became prevalent as well. Each ideology consisted of its own ideas of what a political and social society should be like. They all looked to determine solutions for problems people faced in their lives daily. All three of these philosophies differed vastly from each other but at the same time, they had some similarities as well. Confucianism and Daoism particularly share several beliefs and values, namely: idealizing the society somewhere in the past and belief in reform of society through self-cultivation. Whereas legalism can said to be totally different from both these philosophies in various aspects. Confucianism was founded by Confucius(680-740 B.C.). Confucius stated that his ideas were not completely new but only a restatement of the values from the early days of the Western Zhou. He believed that this period was, the lost golden age and should be recovered.(Dr. Wright 21). The society at the time of Confucius was not operating according to his ideals, therefore there was a great need for change. This change he advocated would not be to some new ideology but rather, society would revert back to the ideals of the early Zhou society, which in his mind was perfect. He further stated that specific qualities from this period had been lost. The most essential of these qualities was the performance of rituals, which he called Li. He further stated that Ritual must regulate all your conduct.(Analects 1:12) Confucius further stated that if Li was performed correctly, its constant practitioners would then learn to abide by the morals of society. This was attributed to the fact that just as a person performing a ritual had a certain position and role assigned to them, similarly a member of society had   moral expectations and obligations. Confucius also stressed that in order for a person to completely comprehend the importance of Li, one needed to posses Ren. This is described as benevolence or humaneness. Conficius believed that Ren was an inward quality as opposed to something one could acquire from outside. Taoism was found by Laotzu do a basic summary of the beliefs. Similarities between the two- One thing that Confucianism and Taoism have in common is that both ideologies believe in reforming the society through reforming the self first. In Confucianism,   one improved himself through becoming an adequate practitioner of Li, and becoming virtuous  Ã‚   Although Confucius stated that education played an important role in self-cultivation, it was not compulsory, as one could be considered virtuous by simply possessing nature qualities like: obedience, humility, loyalty and trustworthiness. Confucius further argued that one who possessed virtue or Ren and had practiced Li as well would be best fit to run a government as well as benefit society in general. Confucius belief that one must reform himself before he can change the society can be seen in the following quote from his analects. In serving ones ruler one deals reverently with the tasks involved and makes the livelihood involved a secondary consideration ( Analects 15:38). In Taoism, the individual improved himself by comprehending the meaning of the Tao intuitively. If one could get in touch with this Tao and understand it, this would lead to a immense transformation of society and government Another similarity between the two philosophies is that they both believed that society and government was perfect in the past and that those lost values must be brought back in order to achieve bliss. Confucius obviously believed the reign of the Western Zhou to be pretty well flawless. He sought to bring back social order and morality which had been lost after the fall of the Western Zhou. He argued that this social order and morality were achieved by the Western Zhou through understanding the importance of rituals (Dr. Wright 22-23). Much of the rituals performed during this time were borrowed from the Shang dynasty. An example of such a ritual is the usage of inscribed bones known as Oracle bones, in divination and posing questions to supernatural gods and deities.   This fact is also demonstrated in the following passage from The Analects, If by keeping the old warm one can provide understanding of the new, one is fit to be a teacher (2:11, Analects)(what Confucius thought) : http://www.heptune.com/confuciu.html) . In this passage Confucius basically states his understanding that in order to be successful in the present one must have an understanding of what other successful states had practiced in the past. Where Confucianism considered the past to be perfect, Taoism also idealized the past. Taoism believed that humans had once known the Tao and had lived their lives in accordance with it. It further stated that this understanding of the Tao had been lost somewhere in history and that peoples hearts no longer felt the Tao, which gave birth to intellectual thought rather than   intuition, causing all the disorder and the problems of society in general. This golden age was believed to be immediately following the discovery of agriculture by humans. At this time people lived in small homes, were greatly content and therefore were much detached from material things. Because simplicity and contentment filled peoples hearts, they were in intuitive rather than intellectual, therefore being in touch with the Tao. Taoism then claims that all this was shattered by ambition. Ambition caused people to do unnatural things like constructing large buildings, thereby causing people to lose the Tao(Dr . Wright 28) Both Confucians and Taoists assumed that the world should have a human ruler, and that he should live by, and promote, the ideals propounded by the thinker in question. While Zhuang Zhou may have considered government irrelevant, he did not condemn its existence. So while Taoists may have been less interested in existing Chinese social and political institutions than Confucians, none denounced monarchy or aristocracy, none would have understood or condoned modern ideals of egalitarianism or radical individualism. To all of them, no one is encouraged to discover or practice any new truth. Rather, one is to live the ideal life by finding and accepting ones real place within the existing world. Where Confucians and Taoists parted ways is that the former viewed the world primarily in terms of inherited socio-political norms, while the latter focused on humans continuities With the invisible dimensions of reality that Confucians were often reluctant to discuss. While both philosophies Confucianism and Taoism addressed questions about the inner self, Legalism was more concerned with ways to keep the ruler in power.   A major difference between Legalism and the philosophies previously discussed was that Legalism sought to control human behavior through the law of the state rather than changing ones self through discovering the Tao or by practicing Li and becoming moral. Han Fei, founder of Legalism, stated that there was no such thing as virtue or goodness, instead obedience was the most necessary quality a person had to possess (Legalism ,http://philtar.ucsm.ac.uk/encyclopedia/china/legal.html). This was because the Legalists believed that human nature was innately bad, and that humans had to put under a system of punishment and reward. This system would be a way of controlling human behavior, which was believed to be unchangeable, as they would fear punishment from the state and cherish reward (Dr Wright 34).. Legalists also differed from Confucianism and Taoism because they did not believe in a golden age, but instead believed that no such ideal or perfect society ever existed in the past and that Legalism itself was trying to achieve that for the first time. The ideal Legalist ruler was then described as one that did not need to practicing Ren or be in touch with the Tao when dealing with society, as this would only spoil the public.   Legalism was then strictly a way of governing the people so that they may conform to the laws of ruler, as this was always right.Therefore Legalism did not focus much on finding morality and virtue within oneself as whatever the ruler considered right was considered virtuous and moral. Confucianism and Taoism were two philosophies that differed greatly in many regards but at the same time share many similarities. One such similarity was based on the fact that both believed that in order to bring social bliss, one had to change themselves first. Taoism looked to reform the individual by getting in touch with ones inner self, whereas Confucianism believed in learning from history and also from other virtuous beings around us as well as practice their rituals and ceremonies. Both philosophies also believed in a golden age and answer questions as to how one may revert back to it. Taoism stated that we should give up ambition and practice qualities such as non-action and simplicity of the past, and that this would lead to one getting in intuitive touch with the Tao. Confucianism on the other hand simply argued that one must practice ritualism and simply bring back values of successful states in the past. The third major school of thought in ancient china was known as Le galism. Legalism can be said to be completely different from the aforementioned ideologies. The single biggest difference was that Legalism was not much of a philosophy as it did not believe that a person could even be reformed. They held that ones behavior could only be temporarily controlled by laws, in particular a punishment and reward system. This was based on their belief that a person is innately evil in nature. Legalism was basically described as a technique in which would lead to conformity of the public to the rulers law. Whether these laws were just, moral or good, was irrelevant, as Legalists held the belief that whatever the ruler willed was justified and right. While it would be undeniable that Confucianism and Taoism vary vastly, their similar goals and beliefs have allowed them to co-exist successfully for thousands of years in many cultures of the world. In fact, many believe that without incorporating elements of both philosophies, an individual cannot be truly who le. As Taoism applies more to abiding by ones   intuition, it is more personal in nature, whereas Confucianism can apply to society as a whole and used to govern a state.

Both Sides of Stem Cell Research Essay -- essays research papers

Stem Cell Research Paper Stem cell research has been quite a controversial topic since its origin in the 1960s by Gopal Das and Joseph Altman. Of course, anything that uses a human embryo would be. Stem cell research could open a vast number of new doors for modern science, it could let us test new drugs, one of which could be the unfound cure for AIDS or Alzheimer’s disease. However, this branch of science comes at a high price, the price of a human life that is only five to six days old (NIH). It is quite nearly impossible to take a stand in this argument from an unbiased viewpoint. What is a stem cell? A stem cell is an unspecialized cell, meaning it is not a heart, brain, or any other type of cell that has a special purpose, so it can take the form of any other type of cell. In other words, the fate of these cells has not been determined yet! This means that once inserted and given the right signal or trigger, the stem cell can adapt and divide like all of the cells in the area. Many leading Health Institutes are actively trying to find another way of getting such unspecialized cells. One way that many scientists are supporting is the freezing of the Placenta (Wikipedia). The Placenta is the mother’s tissue to the umbilical cord of the fetus is attached. If frozen, placenta can later help the baby that the female gave birth to by providing unspecialized stem cells. The major drawback of this method is that the Placental stem cells will only work for the baby that was attached to it through the umbilical cord (Wikipedia). There are four types of stem ce lls, Totipotent, Pluripotent, Multipotent, and Unipotent. Totipotent cells can become any type of tissue in the body (including the Placenta) and are only found in the ... ...ls it takes, to treat a patch or maybe even a microscopic patch (CNN). Researchers, Religious figures, and political figures opposing stem cell research hotly argue if killing a baby for some stem cells is a void reason. Right now, no one side has gained favor over the other. Stem cell research has been an extremely notorious topic of debate in today’s world. Both sides have been trying to gain the edge for many years, but it is still hard to tell who is winning this debate. Those in favor of stem cell research believe that stem cells will help open doors in modern science to cures, ideas, and new methods. On the opposing side, however, the people believe that killing a baby is a inhumane act, and will only hurt humankind. All in all, the balance in this debate seems to be even, however, this might change if one side brings forward convincing piece of evidence. Both Sides of Stem Cell Research Essay -- essays research papers Stem Cell Research Paper Stem cell research has been quite a controversial topic since its origin in the 1960s by Gopal Das and Joseph Altman. Of course, anything that uses a human embryo would be. Stem cell research could open a vast number of new doors for modern science, it could let us test new drugs, one of which could be the unfound cure for AIDS or Alzheimer’s disease. However, this branch of science comes at a high price, the price of a human life that is only five to six days old (NIH). It is quite nearly impossible to take a stand in this argument from an unbiased viewpoint. What is a stem cell? A stem cell is an unspecialized cell, meaning it is not a heart, brain, or any other type of cell that has a special purpose, so it can take the form of any other type of cell. In other words, the fate of these cells has not been determined yet! This means that once inserted and given the right signal or trigger, the stem cell can adapt and divide like all of the cells in the area. Many leading Health Institutes are actively trying to find another way of getting such unspecialized cells. One way that many scientists are supporting is the freezing of the Placenta (Wikipedia). The Placenta is the mother’s tissue to the umbilical cord of the fetus is attached. If frozen, placenta can later help the baby that the female gave birth to by providing unspecialized stem cells. The major drawback of this method is that the Placental stem cells will only work for the baby that was attached to it through the umbilical cord (Wikipedia). There are four types of stem ce lls, Totipotent, Pluripotent, Multipotent, and Unipotent. Totipotent cells can become any type of tissue in the body (including the Placenta) and are only found in the ... ...ls it takes, to treat a patch or maybe even a microscopic patch (CNN). Researchers, Religious figures, and political figures opposing stem cell research hotly argue if killing a baby for some stem cells is a void reason. Right now, no one side has gained favor over the other. Stem cell research has been an extremely notorious topic of debate in today’s world. Both sides have been trying to gain the edge for many years, but it is still hard to tell who is winning this debate. Those in favor of stem cell research believe that stem cells will help open doors in modern science to cures, ideas, and new methods. On the opposing side, however, the people believe that killing a baby is a inhumane act, and will only hurt humankind. All in all, the balance in this debate seems to be even, however, this might change if one side brings forward convincing piece of evidence.

Explore the different ways the poets describe the city of London in Ess

Explore the different ways the poets describe the city of London in their poems. Explore the different ways the poets describe the city of London in their poems. You should consider the poems equally and use the texts to support your ideas. The poems ‘London’ by William Blake and ‘composed upon Westminster Bridge’ by William Wordsworth are both a description of the same city, however they both take opposite viewpoints when describing their own perception. In the poem ‘London’, Blake takes a negative view of the city. He presents the people as being unhappy, in the first stanza he talks of â€Å"marks of weakness, marks of woe† this suggests misery and perhaps failure. The negativity is emphasised by the repetition in the sentence and the alliteration on the w. Wordsworth however sheds a different light on the city, immediately showing appreciation. He uses some quite royal and perhaps religious language such as â€Å"majesty† and â€Å"temples†. This is a suggestion towards the beauty underneath the normal images of London, portraying the city as being like a kingdom. It brings in the idea of belief, opposing the idea of â€Å"weakness† in Blake’s poem ‘London’. In this poem, Blake talks of a â€Å"black’ning church† this suggests poverty and destruction. Blackened literally by the smoke and pollution in the air, and perhaps blackened metaphorically by the misery within the city. The colour black immediately brings bad thoughts to the mind, thoughts of danger and despair. On the contrary, Wordsworth appeals to the reader’s senses by describing the sun as â€Å"bright and glittering in the smokeless air†. This differs dramatically to Blake’s description as it brings a bright sense of colour to the mind and a feeling of warm... ... is there a different perception of the city between the poems, but a different time of day, and a different effect on it’s readers. Both poems end on incredibly different notes, Wordsworth sums up the splendour of London using the line â€Å"and all that mighty heart is lying still†. This suggests that the peace in the city is always there, even when the bustle of the city awakens. ‘London’ however, ends with a negative tone, speaking of a young prostitute; this creates a very emotive and powerful end to the poem. Outlining the distressing view of the city. In comparison, although both poets are relating to the same place, they describe them as being totally different, based on their own opinions. This could be because of the time of day or perhaps because of their own experiences but their imagery both shed totally different light on the city of London. Explore the different ways the poets describe the city of London in Ess Explore the different ways the poets describe the city of London in their poems. Explore the different ways the poets describe the city of London in their poems. You should consider the poems equally and use the texts to support your ideas. The poems ‘London’ by William Blake and ‘composed upon Westminster Bridge’ by William Wordsworth are both a description of the same city, however they both take opposite viewpoints when describing their own perception. In the poem ‘London’, Blake takes a negative view of the city. He presents the people as being unhappy, in the first stanza he talks of â€Å"marks of weakness, marks of woe† this suggests misery and perhaps failure. The negativity is emphasised by the repetition in the sentence and the alliteration on the w. Wordsworth however sheds a different light on the city, immediately showing appreciation. He uses some quite royal and perhaps religious language such as â€Å"majesty† and â€Å"temples†. This is a suggestion towards the beauty underneath the normal images of London, portraying the city as being like a kingdom. It brings in the idea of belief, opposing the idea of â€Å"weakness† in Blake’s poem ‘London’. In this poem, Blake talks of a â€Å"black’ning church† this suggests poverty and destruction. Blackened literally by the smoke and pollution in the air, and perhaps blackened metaphorically by the misery within the city. The colour black immediately brings bad thoughts to the mind, thoughts of danger and despair. On the contrary, Wordsworth appeals to the reader’s senses by describing the sun as â€Å"bright and glittering in the smokeless air†. This differs dramatically to Blake’s description as it brings a bright sense of colour to the mind and a feeling of warm... ... is there a different perception of the city between the poems, but a different time of day, and a different effect on it’s readers. Both poems end on incredibly different notes, Wordsworth sums up the splendour of London using the line â€Å"and all that mighty heart is lying still†. This suggests that the peace in the city is always there, even when the bustle of the city awakens. ‘London’ however, ends with a negative tone, speaking of a young prostitute; this creates a very emotive and powerful end to the poem. Outlining the distressing view of the city. In comparison, although both poets are relating to the same place, they describe them as being totally different, based on their own opinions. This could be because of the time of day or perhaps because of their own experiences but their imagery both shed totally different light on the city of London.